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          特朗普對美聯儲的攻擊之下,商界領袖或難獨善其身

          倘若針對庫克的指控確鑿有力,那么特朗普的拙劣干預可能打亂美國司法部的節奏。

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          唐納德·特朗普。圖片來源:Chip Somodevilla/Getty Images

          白宮近期試圖加強對美聯儲的控制,這正是特朗普慣用的斗爭策略。他向來擅長將矛頭精準對準那些通常被視作難以辯駁的個人或機構,不斷試探規范、先例、憲法邊界及美國價值觀的底線。在最新行動中,特朗普試圖罷免美聯儲理事莉薩·庫克(Lisa Cook)——此事的起因是上周聯邦住房金融局(FHFA)局長威廉·普爾特(William Pulte)收到一則“匿名舉報”,指控庫克存在抵押貸款欺詐行為。

          鑒于初步證據看起來確鑿無疑,庫克理事并非值得同情的對象。不過,倘若她確實存在不當行為,就其嚴重程度而言,似乎與特朗普因虛報資產價值以獲取優惠貸款及保險費率而被判定銀行欺詐罪的行為不相上下。這并非為庫克辯護,而是揭示法治屈從于統治者意志所呈現出的雙重標準與虛偽性。這位美聯儲理事尚有十余年任期,尚未被證實存在故意違法行為,其抵押貸款申請中的錯誤可能僅屬文書疏漏。同樣重要的是,公平原則與正當法律程序作為核心準則,超越民意或個人道德。

          例如,1988年美國最高法院訴拉里·弗林特(Larry Flynt)一案的判決再次明確,即便這位厭惡女性、聲名狼藉的色情出版商的作品內容多么令人不適,其言論自由仍應受到保護。該判決明確指出:“言論自由不僅是個人自由的體現……對共同追求真理及維系社會整體活力也至關重要。”同樣,在1977年著名的“斯科基事件”判決中,盡管最高法院對伊利諾伊州斯科基市納粹黨人的活動深感厭惡,但仍堅定維護其依據憲法第一修正案享有的權利。

          正當程序對保障個人公平至關重要,而對正當程序的尊重則關乎制度自由與法治根基。1913年頒布的《聯邦儲備法》明確規定,美聯儲不受美國總統管轄,而是作為一個獨立、非政治性、自籌資金的機構存在,完全無需依賴納稅人支持。美聯儲的決策并非總能盡善盡美——我們也曾在其對經濟調控過度時批評其時而反應遲緩。然而,美聯儲的獨立性對美國經濟的全球地位及美元作為全球儲備貨幣的地位至關重要。央行獨立原則正是美國貨幣體系贏得信任與尊重、歷來不受政治干預而陷入混亂的根源所在。近期土耳其的案例便是反面教材:埃爾多安總統對央行的破壞性干預,導致該國通脹率飆升、里拉匯率暴跌。

          就庫克理事案而言,目前那些看似有力的指控仍停留在指控層面,尚未形成正式起訴。在沒有定罪判決的情況下,鑒于總統本人已被證實存在類似違法行為,當前局面引發了人們對“平等保護權”的質疑。事實上,倘若針對庫克的指控確鑿有力,那么特朗普的拙劣干預可能打亂美國司法部的節奏——該部門原本可能已準備根據聯邦住房金融局移交的材料對庫克提起公訴。而今,特朗普的政治干預反而可能成為庫克最有力的辯護依據。

          一貫特征

          這種雙重標準已成為特朗普第二任期的一貫特征,其典型表現包括對非法移民的虐待,以及在全美主要城市實現市政執法軍事化。在這兩種情況下,盡管非法移民中罪犯所占比例極低,且各大城市的犯罪率實則在持續下降,但那些維護公平、堅守正當程序、捍衛憲法精神與美國價值觀的人士,仍被描繪成為“入侵的外國罪犯”辯護、為城市犯罪開脫的形象,進而陷入難堪境地。

          正直愛國的公眾人物面臨的挑戰在于:如何在捍衛那些構成美國國家特質的基礎原則的同時,避免落入特朗普為選定對象精心設置的“流沙陷阱”。傳達信息時必須做到有所區分,但也要避免陷入冗長空洞、晦澀抽象的解釋,或成為更易遭受詆毀的對象。

          這一局面對商界領袖的啟示顯而易見。首席執行官們必須意識到:若只是置身事外、憂心忡忡地旁觀,他們同樣可能在無意間淪為“侵蝕美國核心價值觀”的幫兇——如今已有同行企業被迫出讓巨額利潤或股權以在美國開展業務(涉及領域從人工智能、半導體芯片,到農業、保險業),實則遭遇勒索。

          以逐步施壓的手段,迫使私營企業的治理屈從于單一政治霸凌者的意志,這或許無法贏得所有民粹主義者的同情,但本質上與美聯儲獨立性的逐漸喪失及法治的淪喪并無二致。同樣,特朗普對美國城市發起的范圍日益擴大的“攻擊”,也在侵蝕美國“州權與地方問責制”這一國家根本特質。當前最核心的挑戰在于:我們必須認識到,對極權化進程做出漸進式、潛移默化的讓步,終將導致國家特質喪失。(財富中文網)

          杰弗里·索南菲爾德(Jeffrey Sonnenfeld)是耶魯大學管理實踐萊斯特·克朗教授,耶魯首席執行官領導力研究所創始人。

          斯蒂芬·亨里克斯(Stephen Henriques)是耶魯首席執行官領導力研究所高級研究員,曾擔任麥肯錫咨詢公司(McKinsey & Company)顧問及康涅狄格州州長政策分析師。

          Fortune.com上發表的評論文章中表達的觀點,僅代表作者本人的觀點,不代表《財富》雜志的觀點和立場。

          譯者:中慧言-王芳

          白宮近期試圖加強對美聯儲的控制,這正是特朗普慣用的斗爭策略。他向來擅長將矛頭精準對準那些通常被視作難以辯駁的個人或機構,不斷試探規范、先例、憲法邊界及美國價值觀的底線。在最新行動中,特朗普試圖罷免美聯儲理事莉薩·庫克(Lisa Cook)——此事的起因是上周聯邦住房金融局(FHFA)局長威廉·普爾特(William Pulte)收到一則“匿名舉報”,指控庫克存在抵押貸款欺詐行為。

          鑒于初步證據看起來確鑿無疑,庫克理事并非值得同情的對象。不過,倘若她確實存在不當行為,就其嚴重程度而言,似乎與特朗普因虛報資產價值以獲取優惠貸款及保險費率而被判定銀行欺詐罪的行為不相上下。這并非為庫克辯護,而是揭示法治屈從于統治者意志所呈現出的雙重標準與虛偽性。這位美聯儲理事尚有十余年任期,尚未被證實存在故意違法行為,其抵押貸款申請中的錯誤可能僅屬文書疏漏。同樣重要的是,公平原則與正當法律程序作為核心準則,超越民意或個人道德。

          例如,1988年美國最高法院訴拉里·弗林特(Larry Flynt)一案的判決再次明確,即便這位厭惡女性、聲名狼藉的色情出版商的作品內容多么令人不適,其言論自由仍應受到保護。該判決明確指出:“言論自由不僅是個人自由的體現……對共同追求真理及維系社會整體活力也至關重要。”同樣,在1977年著名的“斯科基事件”判決中,盡管最高法院對伊利諾伊州斯科基市納粹黨人的活動深感厭惡,但仍堅定維護其依據憲法第一修正案享有的權利。

          正當程序對保障個人公平至關重要,而對正當程序的尊重則關乎制度自由與法治根基。1913年頒布的《聯邦儲備法》明確規定,美聯儲不受美國總統管轄,而是作為一個獨立、非政治性、自籌資金的機構存在,完全無需依賴納稅人支持。美聯儲的決策并非總能盡善盡美——我們也曾在其對經濟調控過度時批評其時而反應遲緩。然而,美聯儲的獨立性對美國經濟的全球地位及美元作為全球儲備貨幣的地位至關重要。央行獨立原則正是美國貨幣體系贏得信任與尊重、歷來不受政治干預而陷入混亂的根源所在。近期土耳其的案例便是反面教材:埃爾多安總統對央行的破壞性干預,導致該國通脹率飆升、里拉匯率暴跌。

          就庫克理事案而言,目前那些看似有力的指控仍停留在指控層面,尚未形成正式起訴。在沒有定罪判決的情況下,鑒于總統本人已被證實存在類似違法行為,當前局面引發了人們對“平等保護權”的質疑。事實上,倘若針對庫克的指控確鑿有力,那么特朗普的拙劣干預可能打亂美國司法部的節奏——該部門原本可能已準備根據聯邦住房金融局移交的材料對庫克提起公訴。而今,特朗普的政治干預反而可能成為庫克最有力的辯護依據。

          一貫特征

          這種雙重標準已成為特朗普第二任期的一貫特征,其典型表現包括對非法移民的虐待,以及在全美主要城市實現市政執法軍事化。在這兩種情況下,盡管非法移民中罪犯所占比例極低,且各大城市的犯罪率實則在持續下降,但那些維護公平、堅守正當程序、捍衛憲法精神與美國價值觀的人士,仍被描繪成為“入侵的外國罪犯”辯護、為城市犯罪開脫的形象,進而陷入難堪境地。

          正直愛國的公眾人物面臨的挑戰在于:如何在捍衛那些構成美國國家特質的基礎原則的同時,避免落入特朗普為選定對象精心設置的“流沙陷阱”。傳達信息時必須做到有所區分,但也要避免陷入冗長空洞、晦澀抽象的解釋,或成為更易遭受詆毀的對象。

          這一局面對商界領袖的啟示顯而易見。首席執行官們必須意識到:若只是置身事外、憂心忡忡地旁觀,他們同樣可能在無意間淪為“侵蝕美國核心價值觀”的幫兇——如今已有同行企業被迫出讓巨額利潤或股權以在美國開展業務(涉及領域從人工智能、半導體芯片,到農業、保險業),實則遭遇勒索。

          以逐步施壓的手段,迫使私營企業的治理屈從于單一政治霸凌者的意志,這或許無法贏得所有民粹主義者的同情,但本質上與美聯儲獨立性的逐漸喪失及法治的淪喪并無二致。同樣,特朗普對美國城市發起的范圍日益擴大的“攻擊”,也在侵蝕美國“州權與地方問責制”這一國家根本特質。當前最核心的挑戰在于:我們必須認識到,對極權化進程做出漸進式、潛移默化的讓步,終將導致國家特質喪失。(財富中文網)

          杰弗里·索南菲爾德(Jeffrey Sonnenfeld)是耶魯大學管理實踐萊斯特·克朗教授,耶魯首席執行官領導力研究所創始人。

          斯蒂芬·亨里克斯(Stephen Henriques)是耶魯首席執行官領導力研究所高級研究員,曾擔任麥肯錫咨詢公司(McKinsey & Company)顧問及康涅狄格州州長政策分析師。

          Fortune.com上發表的評論文章中表達的觀點,僅代表作者本人的觀點,不代表《財富》雜志的觀點和立場。

          譯者:中慧言-王芳

          The White House’s latest effort to tighten control over the Federal Reserve exemplifies President Trump’s typical tactics in battle. He has an uncanny knack for pushing the limits of protocol, precedent, constitutional boundaries, and American values by targeting individuals or organizations that are often seen as difficult to defend. In his latest bid, Trump has tried to remove Federal Reserve Governor Lisa Cook from her position after allegations of mortgage fraud emerged last week, prompted by an “anonymous tip” that landed on the desk of Federal Housing Finance Agency Director (FHFA) William Pulte.

          Gov. Cook is not a sympathetic target, as early evidence looks damning. Still, any alleged misconduct on her part seems almost as reprehensible as the bank fraud that led to Trump’s conviction for inflating the value of his assets to obtain favorable loan and insurance rates. This is not to defend Cook, but rather to illustrate the parallelism and hypocrisy of the rule of law being subordinated to the law of the ruler. The Fed governor has over a dozen years remaining in her appointed term, she has not yet been proven to have intentionally broken any laws, and she may have made a clerical error in her mortgage applications. Equally important are the issues of fairness and due process as core principles that transcend popularity and personal morality.

          For example, the 1988 Supreme Court decision in favor of Larry Flynt reaffirmed the freedom of expression for the misogynistic, disgraceful pornographer, no matter how offensive his work was. Notably, that decision affirmed that “the freedom to speak one’s mind is not only an aspect of individual liberty … but also is essential to the common quest for truth and the vitality of society as a whole.” Similarly, in their 1977 decision on what became known as the “Skokie Affair,” the Supreme Court fortified the First Amendment rights of the Nazi party in Skokie, Illinois, however distasteful it found their activities.

          As important as due process is for individual fairness, respect for due process is for institutional freedom and legality. The Federal Reserve Act of 1913 ensures that the Fed is not subordinate to the President of the United States but rather sits as an independent, non-political, self-funded institution. with zero taxpayer support. The Fed does not always get it right, and we have been critical of their periodic sluggishness, as they oversteer the economy. However, the independence of the Fed is critical to the U.S. economy’s global stature and the U.S. dollar serving as the world’s reserve currency. The principle of central banker independence is why the U.S. monetary system is trusted and respected and historically not disrupted by political interference. As we have seen recently in Turkey, President Erdogan’s disastrous interference has led to soaring inflation and plummeting depreciation of the Turkish lira.

          In the context of Gov. Cook, the potentially compelling accusations amount at this time to allegations and not indictments. Without a guilty verdict, the situation raises questions about the right to equal protection, considering the president’s parallel proven violations. In fact, if there is a strong case against Cook, then Trump’s clumsy interference could subvert his own Justice Department, which may have been ready to indict Cook based on the FHFA referral. Her strongest defense may be Trump’s political interference.

          A constant feature

          Such duplicity has been a constant feature of the second Trump administration, characterized by the abusive treatment of undocumented immigrants and the militarization of municipal law enforcement in our nation’s major cities. In both instances, it places the defenders of fairness, due process, constitutionality, and American values in the problematic position of being portrayed as defending “invading foreign criminals” and excusing urban crime, despite the minuscule share of criminals among undocumented immigrants and the reality of plunging crime rates in metros.

          The challenge for honorable, patriotic public figures is how to defend American principles that are foundational to our nation’s character without falling into the clever, quicksand-like trap that Trump has set for his chosen targets. Messaging must make distinctions, but also avoid getting lost in parenthetic abstractions or potentially easier-to-discredit targets.

          The implications for business leaders are clear. CEOs must recognize that they, too, can inadvertently become complicit in the erosion of core American values as they merely watch, worried from the sidelines, as peer companies are subjected to extortion through the surrender of massive profits or equity stakes just to do business in the U.S.—ranging from AI and semiconductor chips to agriculture and insurance.

          The subjugation of private enterprise governance to a single political bully through gradual stations may not seem to be a sympathetic cause to all populists, but it is equivalent to the gradual degradation of an independent Fed and the rule of law. Similarly, Trump’s expanding war on American cities is eroding our nation’s fundamental character regarding state rights and local accountability. The fundamental challenge is to realize that we lose our character through incremental, creeping concessions to the totalitarian process.

          Jeffrey Sonnenfeld is Lester Crown Professor of Leadership Practice at the Yale School of Management and founder of the Yale Chief Executive Leadership Institute.

          Stephen Henriques is a senior research fellow of the Yale Chief Executive Leadership Institute. He was a consultant at McKinsey & Company and a policy analyst for the governor of Connecticut.

          The opinions expressed in Fortune.com commentary pieces are solely the views of their authors and do not necessarily reflect the opinions and beliefs of Fortune.

          財富中文網所刊載內容之知識產權為財富媒體知識產權有限公司及/或相關權利人專屬所有或持有。未經許可,禁止進行轉載、摘編、復制及建立鏡像等任何使用。
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